Berlusconi requires Olympian effort to keep his reputation on the rise

From Richard Owen in Rome

FOR weeks Silvio Berlusconi has hogged the airwaves, appearing on chat shows, football discussions and even traffic programmes. That ends today when Parliament is dissolved and Italy’s election campaign — with its strict “equal time” provisions — officially begins. Fortunately for the Italian Prime Minister, tonight is also the opening of the Winter Olympics in Turin. That should divert the electorate’s attention from his dismal record for another 16 days and, if the Games go well, make his depressed country feel a little better about itself. Equally, if the Games are disrupted by anti-globalisation demonstrations, he will not hesitate to blame the Left. On paper, Signor Berlusconi should have little chance of defeating Romani Prodi, the former European Commission President to whom he lost an election in 1996. The economy is in the doldrums. His facelift, hair transplant and repeated gaffes have made him a figure of fun abroad. He has used his parliamentary majority to push through legislation to protect him from corruption charges, and to amend electoral law to favour his creaking centre-right coalition, which trails Signor Prodi’s centre-left alliance in every poll. But Signor Berlusconi has become, against all odds, the first Italian prime minister since the Second World War to survive a full term, and nobody is writing off this irrepressible, perma-tanned media tycoon and former cruise ship entertainer.He has already written to the 600,000 babies born in Italy last year, reminding them that they received a €1,000 bonus, and signing off with “a big kiss from Silvio”. He will repeat his 2001 election ploy by sending every household a second volume of his illustrated autobiography, and has promised — or threatened — to post a CD of his latest love songs as well. Signor Berlusconi, 69, will spend the next two months criss-crossing the country in a private jet. His hope is that Italy will fall once again for his exuberance, a trait that Signor Prodi, his understated and professorial foe, singularly lacks. Signor Berlusconi has good reason to divert attention from his record. In 2001, with typical flamboyance, he promised to use his entrepreneurial skills to revive the economy, and promised to quit politics if he reneged on five pledges. He vowed to lower taxes, cut crime, raise the basic pension, create jobs and fund 40 per cent of infrastructure projects listed in a ten-year plan. But five years on, most Italians feel worse off. The economy has twice slipped into recession. The deficit is nearly 5 per cent of GDP, far above the eurozone limit. Growth has been close to zero. Italy ranks as the least competitive eurozone nation, with critics calling it “the sick man of Europe”. Signor Prodi claims that his rival has honoured none of his five promises. Unabashed, Signor Berlusconi’s Forza Italia party has started Operation Truth, a campaign noting that some pensions have been raised, unemployment is down, and infrastructure projects such as the Venice flood barrier and the bridge linking Sicily to the mainland have begun. Signor Berlusconi seeks to blame Italy’s economic woes on Signor Prodi, who as Prime Minister took Italy into the euro and, as European Commission President, opened up Europe to cheap foreign imports that have devastated some Italian industries, such as textiles. Il Messaggero, the Rome daily, said this week that Signor Berlusconi had disappointed the country. “The liberalising revolution he promised — competition, deregulation, freedom of choice — is just an empty slogan,” it said. “Italy remains riddled with favouritism, cronyism and immobility.” The vote on April 9 will show how many Italians agree. CHARM OR OFFENSIVE Sept 2001 Said that Western civilisation was superior to Islam “because it has at its core freedom”. Islam was “stuck where it was 1,400 years ago” Dec 2001 Told EU summit that Parma, not Helsinki, should host a new EU food safety agency because “Parma is synonymous with good cuisine. The Finns don’t even know what prosciutto is” Feb 2002 At another EU summit made an Italian hand signal meaning “cuckold” behind the head of the Spanish Foreign Minister Josep Pique July 2003 Compared Martin Schultz, a left-wing German MEP, to a Nazi concentration camp guard as Italy took over the EU presidency Aug 2003 Said Mussolini had been a benevolent leader. “Mussolini never killed anyone. Mussolini used to send people on vacation in internal exile” Sept 2003 Told US businessmen they should invest in Italy because it has “beautiful secretaries — superb girls” Jan 2004 Admitted to a facelift: “I only had my eyelids retouched slightly” Aug 2004 Appeared with Tony Blair at his villa wearing a bandana to disguise a hair transplant June 2005 Boasted he had used his “playboy” charms on Taria Halonen, the Finnish President, to ensure the food safety agency went to Parma Dec 2005 Said Paolo Di Canio, the Lazio player, was a “good lad” whose repeated Fascist salutes to fans had “no political meaning” Jan 2006 Pledged sexual abstinence until the election. Later claimed he was only joking

 

http://www.timesonline.co.uk/article/0,,13509-2033094,00.html

A Berlusconi victory would be as damaging as was Bush's

The Italian leader is not fit to hold high office, and activists worldwide should join to ensure his election defeat

Tristram Hunt
Monday February 6, 2006

Guardian

In typically vulgar style, Silvio Berlusconi committed himself last week to sexual abstinence until the Italian general election on April 9. Unfortunately, Mrs Berlusconi's well-earned break promises to come at the expense of European politics. For a determined Berlusconi could well win himself another term in office.

Some 15 months ago the global progressive community headed to America in a forlorn attempt to unseat President Bush. From Europe, Canada and Asia thousands of angry activists joined the Democrat campaign. Even the Guardian got in on the act by targeting the voters of Clark County, Ohio. Now, with greater effort, the same campaigning enthusiasm needs to be directed towards Italy - as with the US elections, as much for our sakes as for theirs.

In the run-up to the 2001 Italian poll, the Economist listed a litany of charges Berlusconi was under investigation for. Famously, the normally reserved magazine concluded he was "not fit to lead the government of any country, least of all one of the world's richest democracies". Although Berlusconi responded with a libel claim, which is so far unresolved, his record in office has only served to confirm their verdict.

Above all there has been the systematic abuse of the legislature for his own ends. Deploying his substantial majority in parliament, in 2003 he altered the law to give high-ranking state officials (such as the prime minister) legal exemptions. More recently, he has further attempted to cow prosecuting authorities with an attack on judicial independence. The usually pliant President Ciampi called the legislation "blatantly unconstitutional".

Berlusconi's serial misuse of the political system ranges from the parochial to the constitutional. He overhauled the planning system to cover up the environmental damage his gargantuan villa had inflicted on the Sardinian coastline. And six months before the April poll he introduced a wide-ranging series of electoral reforms. These would have the effect of denying the opposition an outright victory as well as returning Italy to the worst years of PR instability.

Yet he has always been more than just prime minister. In addition to holding executive power, he is a publisher, newspaper proprietor, football magnate, property developer, advertiser and, above all, television mogul.

Despite all the sweet talk before 2001 of divesting himself of conflicting interests, Berlusconi has tightened his control over the Italian media. Satirists have been driven off the airwaves, while his 90% control of television channels eliminates any pretence of political balance. In one 15-day period last month, Berlusconi enjoyed three hours and 16 minutes of airtime compared with his rival Romano Prodi's eight minutes.

Yet by far the most distasteful element of Berlusconi's governance is his sotto voce sympathy for neo-fascism. Among numerous gaffes during the EU presidency, perhaps the most startling was his comparison of a critical German MEP to a Nazi guard. It was all the stranger since, back in Italy, Berlusconi enthusiastically embraces the far right.

The neo-fascist National Alliance is a core component of his electoral coalition with its distasteful leader, Gianfranco Fini, serving as foreign minister. As a result, the government has recently announced plans to accord some of Italy's worst wartime fascist combatants the same honour as resistance fighters. Then there are the knowing political utterances that give a nod to the neo-fascist constituency - such as Berlusconi's description of footballer Paolo di Canio as "un bravo ragazzo" following his fascist salute to Lazio fans.

Should any of this concern us? Berlusconi's government might be unattractive, yet it is hardly likely to dictate our own politics in the same way as the American presidency. True. But this would be to ignore the growing geo-political influence of Italy, which, with Berlusconi at its helm, has rarely been deployed for the good. Leaving aside his ardour for neoconservative military adventurism and belief that western civilisation is "superior to Islam", Berlusconi's administration has serially hampered the EU's diplomatic agenda - not least in regard to human rights abuses in Chechnya and illegal Israeli actions in East Jerusalem.

So the left should be bold about intervening in this election: stretching back to the 19th century, liberal internationalism has long been the purview of European progressives. Presidents and prime ministers should not be surprised that with quickening economic and cultural globalisation there follows a desire for global political activism. More advantageously, in terms of British politics, unseating Berlusconi would also mean removing from temptation one of the more troubling characteristics of our own prime minister - his personal predilection for rightwing plutocrats.

However, April 2006 is already looking like November 2004. While Berlusconi might remain marginally behind in the polls, Prodi is starting to resemble John Kerry. His electoral coalition is mired in a banking fraud, and his capacity for indecision is assuming damaging proportions. When this is combined with Berlusconi's media manipulations and electoral gerrymandering, the results could be fatal.

British activists have a habit of obsessing over the minutiae of American politics. But the prospect of another Berlusconi government must focus attention on the vital importance of European politics. Committed progressives need to get involved now, and allow Mr and Mrs Berlusconi a return to full married life.

· Email: tristramhunt@btopenworld.com

Guardian Unlimited © Guardian Newspapers Limited 2006      

http://www.guardian.co.uk/comment/story/0,,1702938,00.html

Italy's election: no laughing matter

Geoff Andrews 1 - 2 - 2006 Silvio Berlusconi hopes that an intense media blitz will help sustain him in power, but Geoff Andrews finds that Italy's comic artists have other ideas.

The Italian general election, now set for 9 April 2006, will be one of the most important of the last sixty years. It will also be one of the dirtiest. Silvio Berlusconi, Italy's richest man and prime minister, is currently trailing by an average 6% in opinion polls – but he is not going to vacate Palazzo Chigi without a fight. Many believe that if Il Cavaliere were to lose the election he would face a surge of legal cases brought on grounds of alleged corruption and attempts to bribe judges. In power, Berlusconi has created his own architecture of parliamentary privilege and immunity; once defeated, this protection would slip away. This is why he has been so belligerent in his attacks on the opposition. For the last five years he has sustained a consistent tirade against Jacobin judges, subversive intellectuals and communist conspirators. The television stations he controls have removed comedians from the airwaves, and his legal teams have dished out frequent writs to authors and critics on grounds of "defamation". In December, his Casa delle Libertà (House of Liberties) coalition even rushed through changes to the electoral system, in a bid to keep his unpopular government in power. Meanwhile, with massive media resources at his disposal, he has been able to taunt the opposition, while benefiting from meticulous coverage of his own achievements. A fragile opposition Berlusconi's latest attack, launched by one of his own newspapers, both questions the capabilities of the opposition and sets a rancorous tone for the campaign weeks ahead. Il Giornale published transcripts of a telephone conversation between Piero Fassino, the leader of the Democratici di Sinistra (Left Democrats / DS), Italy's biggest opposition party, and Giovanni Consorte, chairman of Unipol, an insurance company in the control of Italy's cooperative movement. Unipol had recently been involved in a takeover controversy that had led to the resignation of Antonio Fazio, the governor of Italy's central bank, after allegations of insider trading and abuse of office. In the recorded phone conversation Fassino tells Consorte (who is currently under investigation): "So then. We're the bosses of a bank". Berlusconi's tactic here was to show that the centre-left was no different from his own government: that they, too, have trouble separating politics and business. To some extent this is a desperate act of a fading and discredited leader. After all, Berlusconi has not only become a joke around Europe, with one gaffe followed by another, but his claim that he would make ordinary Italians richer has also backfired. Those who were less concerned about his merits as a statesman than his prowess as a salesman have become disillusioned. As the Economist reported in November, Italy's economy is in a "long, slow decline". Yet the Fassino affair has also exposed Italy's centre-left opposition as fragile, divided, and lacking political conviction. Many leaders, such as former prime minister Massimo D'Alema, were quick to defend Fassino, while others urged him to accept that he had made an error. Apart from creating more divisions within the leadership, the affair has cast doubt on whether the centre-left Unione can provide a credible alternative to Berlusconi. Its ability to project a distinctive alternative is not merely one of policy but whether it has the vision and courage to mobilise an increasingly disaffected electorate. This is a long-lasting problem that can be traced to the centre-left l'Ulivo (Olive tree) government of 1996-2001, which lacked a clear idea of reform and – critically in light of later developments – failed to legislate against Berlusconi's "conflicts of interest". Intent on pursuing his mission of turning Italy into a "normal country", Massimo D'Alema wasted fruitless hours in negotiating with Berlusconi (then leader of the opposition) in a bicameral commission which would supposedly clear the way for a conventional two-party system, in which his own DS and Berlusconi's Forza Italia! would be the main players. In exchange for Berlusconi's cooperation, D'Alema agreed to curb the power of the judges. In the event Berlusconi walked away from the negotiations, leaving D'Alema's reforms in tatters and his own interests untouched. Lessons don't seem to have been learned, however. Not only are murky deals evident once again, but misguided assumptions that normal rules can apply in the contemporary Italian case continue to pre-occupy centre-left leaders. One example is the attempt by Romano Prodi, Berlusconi's rival in the forthcoming election, to mould his disparate coalition of ex-communists, socialists and Christian democrats into a new Democratic Party. More serious is the credibility afforded to Gianfranco Fini and his "post-fascist" Alleanza Nazionale (National Alliance) party. Antonio Polito, editor of the centre-left Riformista, has even compared Fini – Italy's foreign minister, and Berlusconi's likely successor as leader of the Italian right – to Tony Blair and John F Kennedy. True, foreign secretary Fini is a clever politician who has attempted to position his party alongside the mainstream European right. A closer look at the bigger picture, however, makes nonsense of this objective. Part of his party's role in government has been to rewrite the past by undermining the role of the anti-fascist resistance. The latest parliamentary bill, which honours soldiers who served in Mussolini's fascist republic of Saló with the same status as Italian partisans, follows changes to the school history curriculum and refusal to celebrate 25 April, Italy's national day of liberation from fascism. A creative dissent For a more intellectually honest and imaginative opposition capable of rousing civil society, we have to turn to Italy's artists, intellectuals and citizen movements. An early example of this was Nanni Moretti's intervention in February 2002, when he told a packed crowd in Piazza Navona that "we will never win" with the current crop of centre-left leaders seated behind him. This led to the Girotondi movement which has been crucial in keeping the bigger picture of Berlusconi's "conflicts of interest" on the political agenda. If the big movements of 2002 – which, in addition to the Girotondi, included the workers' opposition to labour laws and the anti-global and peace movements – are not as strong as they were, then the most creative dissent continues to come from the theatres and piazzas. In early January 2006, the comedian Sabina Guzzanti hosted a convention in Rome of artists and citizens committed to an alternative television system. Teatro Ambra Jovinelli was packed as Italian's best known comedians one by one pledged their support for a new public-service TV station, free of censorship and no longer monopolised by either Berlusconi's own Mediaset or RAI, the public broadcaster which had long been under the control of politicians, even before Berlusconi took power. Guzzanti knows something about censorship. In 2003, her satirical programme Raiot (pronounced riot) was taken off the air after only one episode after her employers at RAI 3 were worried by Mediaset's complaint of "lies and extremely serious insinuations". For the next programme, Guzzanti was forced to retreat to a Rome theatre. In 2005, however, she responded with her film, Viva Zapatero!, a political, Michael-Moore-like documentary, in which she tells her personal story of censorship in the context of the wider eradication of civil liberties in Italy. The film shows her interviewing members of the government as well as comedians from other countries. It won a fifteen-minute standing ovation at the Venice film festival and has had a wide viewing in Italy. Italy's most popular comedian, Beppe Grillo, who has also had to find other ways to work, recently started a "clean up parliament" campaign, in which he named twenty-three Italian politicians who had been convicted of criminal offences. This appeared as a full-page advertisement in the International Herald Tribune, with Grillo asking if there is "another state in the world in which 23 members of parliament have been convicted of a variety of crimes and yet are allowed to sit in parliament and represent their citizens?" His remarkably successful blog has become an innovative vehicle of dissent. Such creative forms of political intervention are occasionally accompanied by the irruption of artists into the electoral field itself: the dramatist and Nobel laureate Dario Fo's effort to win the centre-left candidature for the mayoralty of Milan is the most recent example. More significant than such campaigns is that the comedians have breathed new life into Italy's ailing body politic. This is because they have gone where politicians fear and, in their own way, have asked the right questions. "Bin Laden can get on TV but I can't", as the subtitle of Daniele Luttazzi's DVD put it. When Italy was ranked fifty-third in a worldwide index of media freedom, Sabina Guzzanti asked her audience: "Did you hear anything about that in the news? But then again, if you had we would not be ranked fifty-third, would we?" It is too early to say who will have the last laugh on 9 April, but Italy's centre-left will have to do more than wait for Berlusconi to make his next gaffe.

 

 

 

 

 

 

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